This book argues that European citizenship is transnational, a status that has emerged incrementally during the European integration process. Transnational Citizenship in the European Union follows an institutionalist approach and traces the development of citizenship discourse from the founding treaties of the EU to the most recent effort of constitution-making and the Lisbon Treaty. This helps demonstrate that such discourse has followed a path based on the foundational principles of free movement and non-discrimination rather than revolutionary ideas of a postnational citizenship beyond the nation-state. This in-depth analysis of citizenship in the EU takes into account the institutional configuration of membership, rights, identity, and participation. It also brings in the domestic level of the debate through the examination of national positions on reform proposals and the interplay between EU and member states conceptions of citizenship. Lastly, by investigating citizenship practices, the book helps foster understanding of how the EU works as a political system, and the relationship between European institutions and the recipients of their integrative politics , i.e., the citizens.

This book provides a critique of the way in which European citizenship is imagined and practiced. Setting their analysis in its full historical context, the authors challenge preconceived ideas about European citizenship on the basis of a detailed reconstruction of political, social and economic practice. In particular, they show the extent to which the elimination of formal internal borders within Europe has come hand in glove with the emergence of new socio-economic boundaries and the hardening of external borders. The book concludes with a number of concrete proposals to forge a genuinely post-national form of membership.

This book examines Norway’s affiliation to the EU and systematically assesses the potential suitability of this arrangement for the UK as a viable EU affiliation post-Brexit. Framing the book within the framework of the broader European context, the authors ask how much autonomy and room to manoeuvre tightly integrated non-member states have under this arrangement. They present an in-depth assessment of Norway’s close EU affiliation and provide insight into what this may reveal to us about the post-Brexit European political order. The book’s analytical framework centred on autonomy under complex interdependence has relevance well beyond the confines of the Norway case. This includes the UK, not least since the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) leaves considerable uncertainty. It contains transitory elements; there will be implementation reviews, and there may be many more bilateral and multilateral agreements before the trade relationship is fully defined. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union politics, Norwegian politics, British politics, European integration, and, more broadly, to European studies and international relations.

"This book examines Norway's affiliation to the EU and systematically assesses the potential suitability of this arrangement for the UK as a viable EU affiliation post-Brexit. Framing the book within the framework of the broader European context, the authors ask how much autonomy and room to manoeuvre do tightly integrated non-member states have under this arrangement. They present an in-depth assessment of Norway's close EU affiliation and provide insight into what this may reveal to us about the post-Brexit European political order. The book's analytical framework centred on autonomy under complex interdependence has relevancue well beyond the confines of the Norway case. This includes the UK, not least since the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) leaves considerable uncertainty. It contains transitory elements; there will be implementation reviews, and there may be many more bilateral and multilateral agreements before the trade relationship is fully defined. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union politics, Norwegian politics, British politics, European integration and more broadly to European studies and international relations"--

In this paper, we confront some commonly held assumptions and objections with regard to the feasibility of deliberation in a transnational and plurilingual setting. To illustrate our argument, we rely on a solid set of both quantitative and qualitative data from Europolis, a transnational deliberative experiment that took place one week ahead of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. The European deliberative poll is an ideal case for testing the viability of deliberative democracy across political cultures because it introduces variation in terms of constituency and group plurality under the controlled conditions of a scientific experiment. On the basis of our measurement of both participants' self-perceptions and changes of opinions through questionnaires and of group dynamics and interactions through qualitative coding of group discussions we can identify the following patterns: 1) The EU polity is generally recognised and taken as a reference point by participants for exercising communicative power and impact on decisionmaking, 2) the Europolis experiment proves that participants are in fact able to interact and debate across languages and cultures, developing a selfawareness of citizens of a shared polity and thereby turning a heterogeneous group of randomly selected group into a constituency of democracy.

In this article, we critically discuss the issues of discursive quality and democratic legitimacy in deliberative experiments taking place in a transnational and pluri-lingual setting. Our main argument is that while deliberative polls through careful scientific design and organisation may enhance equal participation and informed opinion-making of selected citizens, their representative status as part of a broader constituency and as a generator of democratic legitimacy is less clear-cut. This problem is potentially exacerbated in deliberative settings that cut across domestic political cultures and nationalised public spheres. To illustrate our argument, we analyse the results and organisation of Europolis, a transnational deliberative experiment that took place one week ahead of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. The European deliberative poll is an ideal case for analysing the linkage between internal validity of deliberative mini-publics and democratic legitimacy because it introduces variation in terms of constituency and group plurality under the controlled conditions of a scientific experiment. By critically scrutinising this deliberative event, we provide a first take on specifying scope conditions for deliberation, with direct reference to the lessons from the polling experiment; reflection on the methodological problems associated with this undertaking; and finally attempt to discern ways to move from deliberation to will-formation and from specific to general - systemic - legitimacy in the EU setting.