L'histoire politique récente de nombreux pays d'Afrique montre la fragilité et le caractère réversible des transitions démocratiques. Dans ce contexte, et alors que les projections démographiques africaines laissent entrevoir une intensification des mouvements migratoires, la question de la capacité des migrants à influer sur la politique de leur pays d'origine se pose avec acuité. L'ouvrage réunit une douzaine d'études de cas mobilisant à la fois des approches qualitatives, fondées sur l'étude ethnographique des pratiques ou des parcours politiques des migrants, et des enquêtes quantitatives originales menées par les auteurs de l'ouvrage. Les activités politiques transnationales - électorales et non électorales - des migrants sont tout d'abord étudiées à travers l'analyse des mobilisations d'émigrés égyptiens, camerounais, gabonais, congolais, maliens, sénégalais et tunisiens en Europe. L'influence politique que les migrants exercent sur leur famille ou communauté d'origine en diffusant des idées et en adoptant des comportements politiques acquis en migration est ensuite examinée, à travers les exemples du Mali, du Mozambique, du Cap-Vert, du Sénégal, du Maroc, de la Tunisie et de l'Égypte. L'ouvrage décrit enfin la capacité des normes et des ressources acquises en migration à modeler l'émergence de nouvelles élites politiques ou manières de faire en politique, et à modifier les relations de pouvoir existantes.

A novel data collection provides comparative evidence on colonial states of the 'second' French colonial Empire, since their foundation to their devolution in the 1960s. Colonial states were neither omnipotent Leviathans nor casual night watchmen. On the one hand, we emphasize the extractive efficiency and capacity of adaptation of colonial states to varied socioeconomic contexts and to varying historical conditions. On the other hand, we put forward dualism as the main common feature and legacy.

Regression discontinuity designs applied to a set of household surveys from the 1980-90s allow to examine whether Côte d'Ivoire's aggregate wealth was translated at the borders of neighboring countries. At the border of Ghana and at the end of the 1980s, large discontinuities are detected for consumption, child stunting, and access to electricity and safe water. Border discontinuities in consumption can be explained by differences in cash crop policies (cocoa and coffee). When these policies converged in the 1990s, the only differences that persisted were those in rural facilities. In the North, cash crop (cotton) income again made a difference for consumption and nutrition (the case of Mali). On the one hand, large differences in welfare can hold at the borders dividing African countries despite their assumed porosity. On the other hand, border discontinuities seem to reflect the impact of reversible public policies rather than intangible institutional traits.

At the end of the 1980s, Côte d'Ivoire entered a deep macroeconomic crisis that put an end to the often-praised 'Ivorian miracle'. After the death of the founding father Houphouet-Boigny, unrestrained political competition added to bad economic conditions and led to the nightmare of civil war. Drawing from a series of five household surveys covering two decades(1988-2008), we tell the story of this descent into hell from the standpoint of poverty and living standards. In 2008, after five years of civil war and another episode yet to come (2010-11), theextreme US$1.25 poverty headcount had reached a historical record, with Northern areas deeplyimpoverished by the partition.

In Africa, boundaries delineated during the colonial era now divide young in-dependent states. By applying regression discontinuity designs to a large set of surveys covering the 1986-2001 period, this paper identi ̄es many large and significant jumps in welfare at the borders between West-African countries around Cote d'Ivoire. Border discontinuities mirror the differences between country averages with respect to household income, connection to utilities and education. Country of residence often makes a difference, even if distance to capital city has some attenuating power. The results are consistent with a national integrationprocess that is underway but not yet achieved.